Penn State Population Research Institute | Population
Specialty Group
Thomas D. Boswell, Editor Department
of Geography, University of Miami

NEWSLETTER
POPULATION SPECIALTY GROUP
ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN GEOGRAPHERS
Volume 19
Spring 1998
PSG's Bill Frey
Research Covered on Front Page of PRB's Population Today
William Frey, a member of the AAG's Population Specialty
Group, is a demographer with the Population Studies Center of the University
of Michigan. The following is a summary of research he has been conducting
dealing with Black migration in the United States. This is a summary of
an article that appeared on the front page of the Population Reference
Bureau's (Vol. 26, No.2, February 1998) Population Today:
The migration of African Americans to the South
from other parts of the United States has accelerated dramatically during
the 1990s. Between 1990 and 1996, and for the first time in any five-year
period, the South saw net gains of Black migrants from the Northeast, Midwest,
and West. Seven of the 10 metropolitan areas that gained the most Black
residents between 1990 and 1996 are located in the South.
The South's booming metropolitan areas Atlanta,
Houston, Dallas-Fort Worth, and Miami are responsible for some, but
not all, of the South's Black Population gains. Black migrants of all ages
and education levels, and from all regions, were drawn to many southern
rural and urban areas.
The South lead the nation in population growth between
1990 and 1996, registering a 46% share of the nation's total growth. During
that same period, 65% of the nation's Black population growth took place
in the South. In contrast, during the 1970s and 1980s, about 50% of the
nation's Black population growth occurred in the South. These migration
trends represent a reversal of the Black exodus from the South that occurred
between 1910 and 1990. For example, during the 1965 to 1970 period, the
South experienced a negative net out-migration of 288,000 Blacks. Apparently,
positive net migration into the south originated during the late 1960s.
During the 1990s, Atlanta, for the first time, led
all other U.S. metropolitan areas in total Black population gains, with
an increase of 159,830 Black residents from 1990 to 1996. Other southern
metro areas that ranked in the top 10 for total Black population gains
included Washington, D.C., Houston, Miami, Dallas-Fort Worth, and Orlando.
During the 1970s, economic restructuring and manufacturing
downsizing in the northern and northeastern states and the improving racial
and economic climate of the South led to a reversal of the African American
migration patterns. Between 1975 and 1990, the South gained most of its
Black migrants from the Northeast and Midwest, while continuing to lose
Blacks to the West. However, since 1990, it has also been gaining Blacks
through a net return migration from the West. California's poorly performing
economy during the early 1990s may have been most responsible for this.
Similarly, the South is the major destination for
African Americans who have left New York state, specifically for Florida,
North Carolina, Virginia, Georgia, South Carolina, and Maryland. Migrants
from New York state and other northeastern and Midwestern states contributed
significantly to Black population gains in the nation's southeastern states.
While Black migrants to the South are moving to
large metropolitan areas, smaller cities and even rural areas in the South
also have been gaining Black in-migrants. Between 1990 and 1996, southern
metropolitan areas with populations of one million or more saw their Black
population increase by 12.3%; Black population gains in smaller metro areas
and rural areas were 12.4% and 9.9%, respectively. In 1996, the following
states had the largest Black populations: New York (3.1 million), California
(2.3 million), Texas (2.3 million), and Florida (2.1 million).
The U.S. population is becoming increasingly diverse.
Yet minority groups are concentrating regionally. While Blacks move to
the South, the nation's growing Hispanic and Asian population are continuing
to concentrate in the West. More than half of the nation's Black population
resides in the south, compared with 33% of the non-Hispanic Whites, 31%
of the Hispanics, and only 17% of the Asians. The West alone is home to
45% of the nation's Hispanics and 53% of its Asian population. The regional
concentrations of racial groups is the result of the redistribution patterns
of immigrant Hispanics and Asians combined with the new domestic migration
of Blacks. Black professionals and blue-collar workers, as well as Blacks
who have retired, are reversing decades of migration from the South by
moving to the South's economically vibrant rural and urban areas.
PRB Launches
Women's
Edition 1998
Nine senior women editors and producers representing
influential media organizations in different regions of the globe will
join forces through Women's Edition, a program of the Population
Reference Bureau (PRB), to examine and report on pressing issues affecting
women's health and progress in the developing world. Women's Edition
has existed since 1993. The new participants, who were chosen from a field
of 70 applicants, have a combined audience of at least 12 million. Women's
Edition, which is funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID), informs policy decisions directly affecting women
through factual, accurate, and up-to-date media coverage that reflects
women's needs and perspectives. Women's Edition also directly provides
information to millions of women in developing countries on issues that
are important to them.
Each participant of Women's Edition publishes
or broadcasts in-depth supplements or programs on the themes examined during
seminars organized by PRB. In 1998, Women's Edition will help participants
set long-range goals and develop strategies to increase media coverage
of reproductive health and related topics even after PRB has finished lending
its support in the future. PRB will host the first Women's Edition
seminar in Washington, D.C., from March 9-13, 1998. Participants will select
the site of subsequent seminars. Leaders from reproductive, health, population,
and women's interest organizations will be invited to participate in a
dialogue with the editors. (Note: This article is derived from The Population
Reference Bureau's World Wide Web site.)
Blacks and
Whites Still Dividedon Race Issues in the U.S.
In the United States, Blacks are far more pessimistic
about how the races get along, while Whites see little to be concerned
about when it comes to job opportunities for Blacks, according to a new
survey of racial attitudes released in June 1997 by the Gallup Organization.
Just 34% of Whites feel the government should make greater efforts to support
minorities, while 59% of Blacks see a need for greater governmental remedies
for inequality.
In 1958, only 35% of Whites said they would be willing
to vote for a well-qualified Black presidential candidate. The same year,
4% of Whites approved of interracial marriage and 80% of Whites said they
would leave if Blacks moved into their neighborhoods "in great numbers."
Now, 93% of Whites say they could vote a Black person into the White House
and 61% approve of mixed marriages. Just 18% of the Whites questioned said
they would flee a neighborhood if large numbers of Blacks moved in.
Among Blacks, young males report far more discrimination
than any other segment of the population. Overall, 45% of Blacks said they
had been discriminated against. That figure swelled to 70% when limited
to Black men in the 18 to 34 year age group. When asked whether race relations
will always be a problem in the United States, 58% of Blacks said yes.
Among Whites, 54% said race relations will always be a problem. (Paul Shepard,
"Blacks, Whites Still Divided on Race Issues," The Miami Herald,
June 11, 1997, p. 6A.)
Study of
Hispanic Immigrant Children Surprisingly Shows that they Are Embracing
their Ethnic Heritage More As they Grow Older
Recent research conducted in both South Florida and
San Diego by Princeton University sociologist Alejandro Portes and sociologists
Lisandro Perez (Florida International University) and Ruben Rumbaut (Michigan
State University) surveyed the opinions and attitudes of children of immigrants
either born in the U.S. or who immigrated here while very young. These
students were questioned two times, once when they were, on average, 14
years of age (in 1992) and four years later (1996) when they averaged 18
years of age.
The surprising results showed that students when
they were older were more likely to embrace their foreign heritage. This
was a surprising finding because it is conventional wisdom among social
scientists that the longer a person resides in a county the more assimilated
he or she becomes to norms. However, when they were 18 years old, these
teenagers were less likely to identify themselves as being "American" and
more likely to call themselves by a hyphenated name (e.g. Hispanic-American,
Mexican-American, Cuban-American, etc.). Also, when they were older those
whose origin was a Latin American country were more likely to refer to
themselves as being "Hispanic" or "Latin."
According to the authors of the study, the use of
the hyphen represents a way of re-asserting a student's origin and maintaining
a certain individuality, while at the same time establishing ties with
mainstream American society. In California especially, there was a large
decrease in the identification of these students as only American. This
was attributed to a backlash reaction to the passage of Proposition 187
and the attacks against immigrants that have been so strong in this state.
The South Florida students were more protected from
anti-immigrant rhetoric because of the stronger presence of the Hispanic
economic and cultural enclave and, therefore, they were somewhat more likely
to identify with other Americans.
There also was a tendency for the 18 year old students
to identify less with their specific country of origin and more with the
collective identity of being Hispanic or Latino. Finally, more than 85%
of the students surveyed in 1996 said they preferred to converse in English,
instead of the native language of their parents. (Fabiola Santiago, "Children
of Immigrants Embrace Ethnicity," The Miami Herald, June 14, 1996,
p. 1A.)
New Poll
Shows Greater Acceptance for Immigrants
During May 1997, Princeton Survey Research Associates
sampled the attitudes toward immigration of Americans who were either born
in the U.S. or immigrated here before 1980. For the first time since the
early 1990s, when immigration became one of the most divisive issues in
American politics, Americans are now almost as likely to think immigration
is good for the country as to think it is bad. The sample showed that 45%
said immigration benefits the nation; 42% said it hurts; 10% said its effects
are mixed; and 3% had no opinion. A similar poll conducted in 1993 found
that 60% of all Americans thought immigration was bad for the country.
While 45% of all Whites and 56% of Hispanics in
the 1997 sample felt immigration was good for the nation, only 35% of the
Blacks felt the same way. Those with less education were most likely to
say that present-day immigration is bad for the country. The young, the
well-to-do, and Hispanic Americans are the most likely to support immigration.
High school dropouts were especially worried that
immigrants were taking away their jobs. They were also most likely to worry
about Whites' loss of majority status in the future, and least likely to
approve of marriages that crossed racial and ethnic lines. (Heather Dewar,
"A Warmer 'Hello', Immigrants Meet Less Resistance," The Miami Herald,
June 15, 1997, p. 1A.)
U.S. Census
Bureau Reports on U.S. Foreign-Born
With increasing interest focusing on the topic of immigration
in the United States, the U.S. Census Bureau began publishing more up-to-date
information on the nation's foreign-born population in 1994, based on its
annual Current Population Surveys. The latest report, for 1996,
has just been released and it indicates that in March 1996 there were 24.6
million persons living in the U.S. who were born in other countries. This
is the largest immigrant population ever in this country.
The foreign-born now represent 9.3% of the total
U.S. population. Although there are more immigrants than ever before, this
percentage is not as high as it was earlier in this century. For example,
it was highest in 1910 when immigrants represented 14.7% of all Americans.
The lowest percentage occurred in 1970, when only 4.8% were foreign-born.
The foreign-born population is not homogeneous.
There are great differences in their demographic, social, and economic
characteristics, not only based on country of origin but also related to
how long they have lived here and whether or not they have become citizens.
For instance, recent arrivals among the foreign-born are more likely to
live in poverty, to have lower incomes, and to have higher unemployment
rates than the native born. However, foreign-born people who have been
here more than six years seem to have recovered from their initial economic
hardship. In fact, those who arrived during the 1970s are doing as well
as natives in terms of their income.
Almost 27% of the foreign-born population of the
United States has come into this country since 1990, and another 34% arrived
during the 1980s. The remaining 39% arrived sometime before 1980.
Almost one-third (32%) of the foreign-born in the
U.S. are naturalized citizens. The proportion who have become citizens
increases with the length of residence here. For example, while only 23%
of those who entered during the 1980s are naturalized citizens, the rate
increases to 46% for those who arrived during the 1970s and to 72% for
those who arrived before 1970. The citizenship rate for the most recent
arrivals is low for several reasons. Some of these people are temporary
residents, such as college students and persons on temporary business visas
who will return to their home country. Others have not been residents long
enough to be eligible for naturalization or may have no intention of becoming
U.S. citizens.
Table 1
Regions and Country of Birth of the
U.S. Foreign-Born: 1996 |
| Country or Region |
Number
(Thousands) |
% |
|
ALL COUNTRIES
|
24,557
|
100.0
|
| Mexico |
6,679 |
27.2 |
| Canada |
660 |
2.7 |
| Central America |
1,715 |
7.0 |
| Caribbean |
2,572 |
10.5 |
| Cuba |
772 |
3.1 |
| Dominican Republic |
515 |
2.1 |
| Jamaica |
506 |
2.1 |
| South America |
1,209 |
4.9 |
| Europe |
4,143 |
16.9 |
| Germany |
523 |
2.1 |
| Great Britain |
579 |
2.4 |
| Asia |
6,558 |
26.7 |
| Philippines |
1,164 |
4.7 |
| China |
801 |
3.3 |
| India |
757 |
3.1 |
| Vietnam |
740 |
3.0 |
| Korea |
550 |
2.2 |
| Rest of the World |
1,018 |
4.1 |
| U.S. Bureau of the Census, March
1996 Current Population Survey. |
Over half of all foreign-born persons living in the
U.S. were born in the western hemisphere (Table 1 above). More than one-quarter
of the total were born in Mexico. There were 772,000 persons born in Cuba,
fourth highest behind Mexico, the Philippines, and China. More than 25%
of the foreign-born were born someplace in Asia, and about 17% were born
in Europe.
California has the largest foreign-born population
in terms of both numbers (8 million) and the percentage of its population
that is comprised of immigrants (25%). New York has the second largest
number of foreign-born (3.2 million). Other states with at least a million
foreign-born residents are Florida, Texas, New Jersey, and Illinois.
Foreign-born persons were more likely to receive
Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), Supplemental Security Income
(SSI), or general welfare payments (5.8%) when compared to natives (4.5%).
However, the rates of these types of government assistance decline significantly
as length of residency in America increases. In fact, the welfare rates
of immigrants who have been here 15 years or more are no different than
those of persons born in the United States. (Kristen A. Hanson and Carol
S. Faber, "The Foreign-Born Population 1996, Current Population Reports,
P20-494, March 1997.
1998 AAG Meetings in Boston Should
Be A Banner Year for PSG
Census in
the Classroom 1998 Workshop and Web Access to Be Held at theUniversity
of Michigan
William Frey of the University of Michigan announces
a 1997 summer workshop and Internet access to undergraduate teaching materials
available with the SSDAN (Social Science Data Analysis Network). Funded
by NSF and the Department of Education FIPSE, the Network enables college
teachers to introduce "user-friendly" analysis of census data in their
classes. Tailor-made data sets, from the 1950 through 1990 U.S. Censuses,
and the Current Population Survey, can be used in a variety of social science
classes dealing with topics such as: race-ethnicity, immigration, gender
studies, marriage, households and poverty, U.S. income inequality, children,
the elderly, and others. SSDAN staff will help instructors tailor exercises
to their own classes, and make them available to other professors in the
Network.
Interested faculty can participate in the following ways:
-
Web Access the project maintains a Website which describes the project,
available data sets and exercises, and permits downloading of census data
sets, that can be accessed with Chipendale software in both IBM and MAC
formats. Request a "startup" package, free of charge, by registering through
the homepage, or make an e-mail request to William.Frey@umich.edu.
-
You can participate in a five-day workshop that will be held in Ann Arbor,
June 19-23, 1998 for instructors interested in adopting census data analysis
exercises for their classes. For an application, contact SSDAN-STAFF@umich.edu,
apply via the web Page, listed above, or write to the following address:
William Frey
Director, SSDAN
Population Studies Center
1225 South University Avenue
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104
Joint U.S.-Mexico
Study Sees Exaggeration of Migration Data
The first formal migration study to be sponsored by
the American and Mexican Governments has concluded that the number of undocumented
Mexican workers who have settled in the United States in this decade is
far lower than some politicians have suggested, about 105,000 per year.
Drawn from a two-year analysis of American and Mexican
census and other data, the figure is the first authoritative estimate of
the net annual flow of illegal Mexican workers into the United States,
which has been an elusive statistic at the center of political and academic
dispute on both sides of the border. The document was commissioned by Presidents
Clinton and Ernesto Zedillo in early 1995 and brought together 20 prominent
demographers and scholars 10 Mexican and 10 American for two
had a half years of research, field work, and analysis.
Among the study's conclusions are the following:
-
Migrant workers, both legal and undocumented, from Mexico living in the
United States are tending to stay longer and are returning to Mexico less
frequently.
-
The average income of Mexican immigrants has dropped between 1990 and 1996.
-
Mexican migrants are no more likely to receive welfare than poor Americans.
-
The most important direct result of migration is the money that migrants
send home to Mexico, estimated at $2.5 billion to $3.9 billion each year.
That is the equivalent of about half the direct foreign investment in Mexico,
the study shows.
-
The primary beneficiaries of Mexican immigration to the U.S. are the migrants
themselves, as well as American business people, farmers, and consumers.
-
The Mexican-born population living in the United States numbers between
7 and 7.3 million, of whom between 4.7 million to 4.9 million are legal
residents and 2.3 million to 2.4 million are "unauthorized residents,"
the study says. The latter figure is far lower than many had guessed it
was. Based on analysis of American census and other data, the binational
study concludes that from 1990 to 1996, the total increase in population
of undocumented Mexican migrants was about 630,000, for an annual average
of 105,000.
(Note: This article comes from: Sam Dillon, "U.S.-Mexico Study Sees Exaggeration
of Migration Data," The New York Times, August 31, 1997, p.1.)
Important
Immigration Legislation Passed during 1997 in the United States
Congress spent a good part of 1997 making changes to
legislation that it had enacted in 1996. Just one year ago, sweeping immigration
and welfare reform laws were passed. As these laws took effect and real
people began to face the consequences, many legislators came to believe
that they had overreached in 1996. As a result, Congress has taken another
look at some of that legislation.
Last year's welfare law indiscriminately excluded
legal immigrants including individuals who, because of advanced age
or significant disability, were no longer able to work from securing
one of the benefits that their taxes funded, namely Supplemental Security
Income (SSI) and Food Stamps. Congress finally acknowledged the inequitable
burden they had placed on these legal immigrants, and in August of this
year restored SSI to the elderly and disabled. That agreement, however,
still leaves legal immigrants ineligible for Food Stamps an issue
which some legislators are also rethinking.
The new immigration law threatened the deportation
of 300,000 Central American refugees back to their homelands. Prior to
the law's passage, these refugees had been living and working in the U.S.
legally, under various forms of temporary protection from deportation,
for more than a decade. After much debate and in the waning hours of this
legislative session, Congress approved a measure providing relief to certain
Central American war refugees. The bill offers a generous amnesty program
to Nicaraguans and some Cubans and a chance to apply for permanent residence
for some Salvadorans, Guatemalans, and for certain asylum applicants from
Warsaw Pact countries and the former Soviet Union. It does not extend any
form of assistance to similarly-situated Haitian refugees, although President
Clinton has recently decreed that Haitians are not to be deported in large
numbers before their future status can be given the consideration it deserves.
(Note: This article is excerpted from: Frank Sharry, "Important if
Imperfect Legislation Passed in 1997," The Golden Door, Fall 1997,
Vol. R, No.4, p. 1.)
2000 Census to
Allow American to List More than One Race
Americans for the first time will be allowed to choose
more than one racial category when describing themselves on the census
and other federal forms, the Clinton administration announced. The decision
ends a long-standing practice of forcing people to identify themselves
as a member of only one racial group, a policy that has triggered growing
complaints in the face of high rates of immigration and interracial marriage
that have made the nation increasingly diverse.
Census figures are used to redraw political boundaries,
enforce civil rights protections, and administer numerous programs that
depend on racial data. At the same time, the issue has come to symbolize
less tangible tensions over the way Americans perceive and describe themselves
racially.
The new policy will be in place for the 2000 census
and some agencies might implement it before then, but all must use it by
2003. In previous censuses, Americans were told to mark one box from several
choices: White, Blacks, American Indian, Eskimo, Aleut, Asian or Pacific
Islander, or "other." The result was a set of population figures that could
be neatly tabulated, but which left many in the public feeling dissatisfied
at being forced to choose one heritage over another. Nearly 10 million
Americans marked "other" in the 1990 census.
In the 2000 census, people can check off as many
categories as they like, yielding a much more complete picture of diversity,
but also creating a somewhat unwieldy combination of numbers. Ultimately,
administration officials have said, the government will publish population
totals for each category and for every possible combination. The Census
Bureau, for example, would release the number of Americans identifying
themselves as White only, a separate number for those considering themselves
both White and Black, and a third tally for those checking White, Black,
and Asian. It should be noted that the government asks individuals to decide
for themselves which race or races they belong to.
In allowing Americans to choose more than one race,
the administration rejected a proposal to create a separate "multiracial"
category. That option was promoted by some groups but opposed by many of
the major civil rights organizations, which feared it could reduce the
numbers of individual minority groups.
The "Asian and Pacific Islander" category used in
the 1990 census will be divided for 2000. Hawaiians had petitioned the
Census Bureau to be switched from "Asian or Pacific Islander" to "American
Indian or Alaska native," but that was rejected. Instead, the agency decided
to have separate categories: "Asians" and "Native Hawaiian or other Pacific
Islander."
(Note: This article is excerpted from: "Census 2000 Questionnaire to
Allow Multiple Race Responses; No Multiracial Category," Census and
You, Vol. 32, No. 11, November 1997, p. 1.)
Why the Census
Bureau Plans to Use Sampling in the 2000 Census
The U.S. Census Bureau has come under increasing attack
for the inaccuracies of its 1990 census count. During that census, about
4 million Americans were missed, representing a coverage error of about
1.6%. For the first time in the history of the U.S. decennial censuses,
the error was greater than it was for its predecessor. The 1980 census
had a coverage error of only about 1.2%. Aggravating the coverage error
was the fact that certain racial groups were more underrepresented in the
1990 count than others. For example, whereas, only .7% of the Non-Hispanic
Whites were undercounted, the comparable figures for Asians & Pacific
Islanders, Blacks, Hispanics, and American Indians were 2.3%, 4.4%, 5.0%,
and 12.2%, respectively.
Not only did the 1990 census suffer from a greater
undercount, it also cost more. The average cost per household (standardizing
for inflation) was $10 for the 1970 census, but for the 1990 it rose to
$25.
Because the census is used intensively for congressional
reapportioning and for upholding the 1965 Voting Rights Act, as well as
for supporting federal assistance programs designed for the poor, the undercount
and cost factors have become the two major sources for complaints against
the Census Bureau. In 1992 congress created a special panel of experts
at the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) to study the mounting problems
concerning the accuracy and cost issues. It reached three main conclusions:
-
It is not possible to count every single person in the United States. There
will always be some who will be missed for a variety of reasons.
-
It is possible to improve the accuracy of the census count by using statistical
estimating procedures.
-
A thorough review and reengineering of census procedures and operations
could achieve substantial cost savings in the next census, even as accuracy
is improved.
The panel's most important recommendation involved the
use of sampling. It suggested that sampling should be used to estimate
the number and characteristics of the nonrespondent household that
remain uncounted. The recommendations of the NAS were reviewed by a second
panel, that reaffirmed these recommendations.
As a result of these deliberations, the Census Bureau
has decided to use sampling after reasonable efforts have been made to
find those who do not respond to the 2000 questionnaire. Because sampling
procedures have become so accurate (with measurable error factors) their
use should improve the accuracy of the counts. In addition, the use of
sampling will be much less expensive than attempting to physically locate
each of the people who were not counted, as was done during the 1990 census.
The 2000 census plans also call for a nationwide,
state-by-state, 750,000-household post enumeration survey, as a quality
check of the population to ensure accuracy. (Note: This article summarizes
material obtained from: Martha Farnsworth Riche (Director, U.S. Bureau
of the Census), "Should the Census Bureau Use "Statistical Sampling" in
Census 2000?" Population Today, Vol. 32, No. 10, October 1997, pp.
1-4.)
Female Genital
Mutilation
In 1997 a new U.S. law took effect that criminalizes
female genital mutilation (FGM). This is the practice of cutting off part
or all of a girl's genitalia. Sometimes it is also referred to as "female
circumcision." The practice is common in parts of Africa and the Middle
East and the new law requires federal authorities to inform new immigrants
from these countries that they face up to five years in prison for performing
the procedure or arranging it for their daughters.
At least two dozen other countries, including 19
in Africa, have issued official statements or enacted laws against FGM.
International organizations such as UNICEF and UN Population Fund (UNPF),
and the World Health Organization have taken a stand against it. Delegates
at UN conferences on human rights in 1993 and on women in 1995 condemned
the practice as a human rights violation.
Still, it is estimated that somewhere between 85
and 115 million women worldwide have undergone FGM, with 2 million girls
being newly "operated" on each year. Typically, girls between the ages
of four and eight undergo the procedure. There are three types of genital
mutilation procedures that are common. The first (called "Sunna"), and
least severe, involves removal of the clitoral prepuce (or foreskin), sometimes
with all or part of the clitoris also being cut out. The second is called
"intermediary circumcision" or "excision" and entails removal of the clitoris
and usually the labia minora. The third, called "infibulation," is the
most severe and involves removal of the clitoris, the labia minora, and
most of the labia majora. The law surfaces of the labia majora are then
stitched together to form a seal, leaving only a small opening for urine
and menstrual blood. Infibulation is most common in Africa, while Sunna
and excision are more common in Egypt.
The health consequences of F.M. last well beyond
the initial pain of the cutting. In the short term, shock or hemorrhage
from the procedure can lead quickly to death. Infections from unsterile
instruments or so-called healing salves are common, and left untreated,
can result in debilitating illness or death. Wound infections can also
lead to long-term reproductive tract infections, chronic pelvic pain, and
sterility. For women who have been infibulated, pregnancy and childbirth
bring more risk and pain. These women must be cut open in order to give
birth, which can lead to a buildup of scar tissue, causing urinary and
menstrual complications.
Recent surveys suggest that 89% of the women in
northern Sudan and 95% in Eritrea have undergone F.M. In Egypt the comparable
figure is 97% for ever-married women. A majority of women interviewed in
Egypt said they believed that the practice should continue for religious
reasons and as a way of keeping girls "pure" before and after marriage.
Most Americans first learned of F.M. in 1994, when
a Nigerian mother and her daughters sought asylum in the U.S. to avoid
forced circumcision. The Center for Disease Control estimates that more
than 150,000 girls currently residing in the U.S. have either experienced
F.M. or risk having the operation this year.
(Note: This article summarizes the following article: Kate Chalkley,
"Female Genital Mutilation: new Laws, Programs Try to End Practice," Population
Today, Vol. 25, No. 10, October 1997, pp. 4-5.)
Ratio of Legal
Abortions to Live Births Falling in the U.S.
January 1998 marked the 25th anniversary
of the U.S. Supreme Court's decision on Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion
in the United States. The U.S. abortion ratio (number of legal abortions
per 1,000 live births) was about 200 in 1973 and then rose rapidly to about
350 in 1979. It hovered around 350 until about 1990, and since then it
has somewhat declined to slightly above 300 by 1995. The reasons for the
recent decline include greater contraceptive use, the aging of the reproductive-age
population, and increasing difficulty in obtaining an abortion. ("Graphically
Speaking," Population Today, Vol. 26, No. 1, January 1998, p. 6.)
Thomas D. Boswell
Department of Geography
University of Miami
Coral Gables, Florida 33124-2060